Showing posts with label Jerome. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jerome. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 2, 2017

How the Legend of the True Cross Travelled West, Part 2

As I have previously written, within a generation of the finding of the True Cross, or at least old olive wood, in Jerusalem, fragments of the wood were distributed widely as noted by Bishop Cyril of Jerusalem in his Catechetical Lecture X Sec. 19 (written c.348).[i]

The holy wood of the Cross bears witness, seen among us to this day, and from this place now almost filling the whole world, by means of those who in faith take portions from it.

Socrates Scholasticus (Ecclesiastical History, Bk. I, Ch. XVII) wrote that pieces of the Cross were sent to Jerusalem and Constantinople. Presumably a piece taken back to the palace of Helen Augusta in Rome along with other passion artifacts from her trip to Jerusalem and the Holy Land. In any case, a record in the Liber Pontificalis (Book of the Popes) perhaps begun in the 5th or 6th century, reports that Pope Sylvester I (Pope from 324-335) built a basilica (an oblong church with a semicircular apse) in the Sessorian palace, the residence of Helena Augusta at the time of her death in about 330.  In this church, the pope placed some “wood of the Holy Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ” encased in gold and decorated with jewels.[ii]  This church is now the Basilica di Santa Croce in Gerusalemme in Rome.  

As written earlier in this blog, it is thought that the sermon of Ambrose of Milan for the funeral of Theodosius in 395 is the first account of the finding of the True Cross by Helena Augusta, the mother of Emperor Constantine.  Apparently a slightly earlier version was written by Gelasius, bishop of Caesarea, about 390 as part of a continuation of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History, but this is lost.

The mass migrations or invasions of numerous non-Christian populations into western Europe during the 400s blocked the spread of the True Cross legends.  It appears that coming of orthodox Roman Catholic Christianity and the cult of relics to non-Christians in the 5th and 6th centuries carried the legends of the True Cross with the missionaries from the lands around the Mediterranean Sea.

It is not my intent to go into the long discussion about the distribution of the fragments of the True Cross from Jerusalem and Constantinople. I will tell two stories. 

One story with a cast of interesting men and a woman, illustrates the wanderings of at least one fragment of the True Cross that is told by Paulinus of Nola (c. 354-432) in his letter 31.[iii] Paulinus of Nola was born in Bordeaux, Aquitaine, south-west France, into a family of wealth and privilege.  He was ordained as a priest while married, and he and Theresia, his wife, moved to Nola, now a suburb of Naples, Campania, Italy. He and his wife sold or donated their properties and possessions and gave to the poor and funded the building of a church, hospice for the poor, and an aqueduct.

About 395, Paulinus wanted to make a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, especially Jerusalem and wrote to Jerome living in Bethlehem. Jerome wrote back to Paulinus discouraging him. Jerome reminded Paulinus that the “access to the courts of heaven is as easy from Britain as it is from Jerusalem; for ‘the kingdom of God is within you.’”[iv]  Jerome went on to complain that Jerusalem, and even bucolic Bethlehem, was too full of men and women tourists coming from everywhere. In addition, Jerusalem was a city filled with soldiers, court officers, criminals, actors, civil and church officials, and having the vices of a city such as prostitutes, plays, social parties and the overindulgence at large social gatherings. Paulinus and Theresia, his wife, stayed home.

Next, two characters are added to the story.  The first is Melania the Elder (c. 341-410), a very wealthy Roman widow, friend and perhaps kinswoman of Paulinus, and friend and patroness of Rufinus of Aquileia, the previously mentioned writer of an Ecclesiastical History. The second person is the controversial Bishop John II of Jerusalem (ruled from 387-417, after the death of Bishop Cyril mentioned above). Bishop John was a friend to Melania the Elder and her friend and protégée Rufinus.  Apparently, Bishop John was also friends with Jerome until sometime around 395 or so when a schism developed.  Sometime about 398, Jerome wrote an acerbic letter/treatise called, “To Pammachius Against John of Jerusalem” accusing him or heresy (Origenism) and an inability to maintain discipline in Jerusalem and vicinity.[v]

As Bishop of Jerusalem, John II would have had access to the wood of the True Cross maintained as a sacred relic in Jerusalem. It is he that gave fragment of wood from the True Cross to Melania the Elder.[vi]  Melania the Elder gave a piece of the True Cross to Paulinus of Nola who in turn sent a sliver of the True Cross to his friend and fellow countryman, Sulpicius Severus (c.363-425).[vii]

Stained glass window of Sulpice Sévère (Sulpicus Severus) in Cathedral of St. Stephen in Bourges, France. Window located in choir triforium; north side window 103. Dated to 1230. http://www.therosewindow.com/pilot/Bourges/images/w103l-80474.JPG

What became of the relics worn by Paulinus and Severus is not known. 

Severus was presbyter in the Church as well as a writer and poet known for his classical style of writing in Latin.  He wrote among other works Sacred History and On the Life of St. Martin. Severus mentions the finding of the True Cross by Helena in Jerusalem in his Sacred History, but he says nothing about the fragmentation of the True Cross or its disbursal. Severus was a disciple of St. Martin of Tours, and lived at or near Toulouse.[Aside-Though the Emperor Honorius gave Toulouse and Aquitania to the Visigoths in 418, the Visigoths were Christians, just Arian Christians, a heretical sect to Trinitarian Roman Catholic Christianity.]

 Top panel: Anderedus's child is healed by lying on St. Radegonde's hair shirt. Bottom panel. St. Radegonde revived a sick child. St. Radegonde’s Church, Poitiers, France. North window no. 109. Original 13th century glass fragments from a life of St. Radegund in a window made about 1900. http://www.therosewindow.com/pilot/Poitiers-StRadegonde/images/n1r-1-2-IMG_4296.JPG

Detail of north window 113.  St. Radegonde in center with two companions, Abbess Agnes and Abbess Disciola.  Stained glass made about 1275.  Reset in present window in 18th and 20th centuries.  St. Radegonde’s Church, Poitiers, France. http://www.therosewindow.com/pilot/Poitiers-StRadegonde/images/n3-L-rosette-IMG_4325.JPG

The second story is that of Radegund, the founder of the Abbey Our Lady or St. Mary, later the Abbey of the Holy Cross, Poitiers.  Radegund’s name has many spellings including Radegonde, Redegonda, Radegonda, Radegundis, among others. There are two sources for the life of this Thuringian princess, Vita Sanctae Radegundis by her friend, Venantius Fortunatus, and Vita Radegundis written by Baudovina, a nun at the Abbey of the Holy Cross, about twenty years later.  These Lives are supplemented with Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, translated as History of the Franks, and a few surviving letters.[viii]  

Radegund was born about 520 to Bertachar, King of Thuringia, an area that is now in central Germany. Her father was defeated in battle and killed by his brother, Hermanfrid. The child Radegund was presumably sent to live with her uncle Hermanfrid. 

Hermanfrid made a pact with Theuderic I, the Merovingian king of Metz or Austrasia (now northern France, much of Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg, and part of Germany) to attack Hermanfrid’s remaining brother, Baderic.  Once Hermanfrid and Theuderic defeated Baderic in 529, Hermanfrid reneged on his promise to give Theuderic half his kingdom.  Then the Frankish king Theuderic with his brother Clotaire or Clothar or Chlothar, also called Lothar, attacked Thuringia, and eventually defeated them in 531 with the resultant death of Radegund’s remaining family except for her brother.

An argument ensued among the Frankish leaders for the spoils of war but ended with casting lots.   Chlothar won, and he took the 10-year-old or so child Radegund back to his villa of Athies in Picardy to be raised as his wife. She was taught to read and write.  

Chlothar had at least seven wives and consorts including Guntheuc, his brother’s widow; Theodosia of Burgundy; Ingund, and her sister, Aregund; Chunsina; Radegund; and Wuldetrada. 

About 540, Chlothar, forty-something, married Radegund, probably about 19 or so.  There were no children. Fortunatus describes her distaste for married life by describing how she would leave the marriage bed at night to relieve herself and then prostrate herself on the cold ground under a hair shirt to pray.

About the time that Chlothar murdered Radegund’s brother, she left her husband. Radegund was probably in the late 20s and her husband in his 50s. According to Baudovinia, Radegund retired to a villa at Saix where she came to an arrangement with her husband to endow a convent. When her husband changed his mind, and decided to retrieve Radegund from her abbey at Poitiers, she turned to Bishop Germanus of Paris.   At the shrine of  St. Martin of Tours, she lay in tears on the ground before King Chlothar accompanied by the Bishop.  The Bishop interceded to change Chlothar’s mind. He asked Queen Radegund for forgiveness and provided an endowment for the Abbey. 

Venantius Fortunatus recounts a different story.  When Radegund fled from her husband Chlothar, she went to Menardus, Bishop of Noyon.  When he was reluctant to allow her to become a monarcha or nun, she put on the monastic garb herself.  She shamed Menardus by saying, “If you shrink from consecrating me, and fear man more than God, Pastor, He will require His sheep’s soul from your hand.” Bishop Menardus consecrated Radegund a deaconess. Only after this, did she retire to Saix.  After distributing her personal wealth, one of her first acts as a deaconess was to grind flour by hand for religious communities. She seems to have developed a community of women even before establishing the Abbey.

Fortunatus described the extreme ascetic practices and mortification of the flesh practiced by Radegund during her marriage and after her withdrawal to the convent. She not only fasted to the extreme, when she did eat, she ate no animal products. But even her diet of grains and vegetables was inadequate. She frequently denied herself water and other liquids to drink. The burning and other harm she did to her physical body would be considered self-injury today and would be traced to all the traumatic events of her early life.  In her time, her activities were thought to bring her closer to the “sweetness of Christ.”[ix]

We know little about the founding of the Abby of Our Lady or St. Mary itself, though in a letter to the Bishops, Radegund wrote,

I established a monastery of girls in the city of Poitiers and endowed the institution with a donation as far as royal munificence granted me. Moreover, for the congregation collected through me for Christ, I received the rule under which holy Caesaria lived, which the solicitude of blessed Caesarius, bishop of Arles brought together fittingly from the institution of the holy Fathers.[x]

The founding of the Abbey is traditionally dated to about 552 with Agnes, the foster daughter of Radegund, as the first Abbess. Radegund and the community of nuns established a hospice for feeding paupers twice a week and caring for the sick, especially women with skin diseases.

According to Baudovinia, Radegund sought relics for the convent and the mortuary chapel St. Mary-outside-the-wall, later called St. Radegund’s Church, being built at Poitiers. First, Radegund sent a priest named Reoval to the Patriarch of Jerusalem to request some relics of a martyr named Mammas entombed in Jerusalem. Radegund received a finger sent to Poitiers from Jerusalem.[xi]

Baudovinia compared Radegund to Helena, the mother of Constantine, in her desire for the True Cross. She wrote to King Sigebert I, the king who had control over Poitiers, asking his permission to contact the Emperor Justin II and his wife Sophia in Constantinople. Radegund petitioned the Emperor for piece of the True Cross.  The Emperor sent back not only the wood but also legates with gospels ornamented with gold and gems.[xii] These events probably took place in 568-9.

The bishop of Poitiers, Maroveus, refused to accept the wood of the True Cross into Poitiers. Then Radegund, “her spirit blazing in a fighting mood” wrote to King Sigebert again while the relics were kept at a monastery founded by the king at Tours.[xiii]  Sigebert sent word to Bishop Eufronius of Tours.  It was he who welcomed the relics, led the procession, and had them installed at the Abbey, whose name changed to the Abbey of the Holy Cross.

On the occasion of the procession of the relic of the True Cross from the outskirts of Poitiers to the Abbey, Venantius Fortunatus composed two hymns.  The first was Vexilla Regis prodeunt. For a discussion of this hymn in English, see: A Clerk of Oxford: Vexilla Regis Prodeunt: Þe kynges baneres beth forth ylad. (http://aclerkofoxford.blogspot.com/2012/04/vexilla-regis-prodeunt-e-kynges-baneres.html.) The other hymn was Pange lingua, gloriosi proelium certaminis.[xiv] These hymns are still in use, usually in translation, more than 1400 years after they were written.

The Abbey of the Holy Cross was severely damaged during the French Wars of Religion in the 16th century but then rebuilt. The Abbey was destroyed during the French Revolution.

The presence of a fragment of the True Cross at Poitiers made it a pilgrimage site, helping to spread the legends of the True Cross.

I try to imagine what the casket looked like that brought the True Cross from Constantinople. All I can imagine are the Fieschi Morgan staurothekehe, or the beautiful bursa caskets such as the one at The Cloisters at Washington Heights on Manhattan Island, or the spectacular champlevé reliquaries from 600 years after the founding of the Abbey of the Holy Cross.

The Fieschi Morgan Staurotheke made in Constantinople in the early 9th century apparently to hold relics including a cross. Silver gilt, gold, enamel and niello. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 17.190.715a, b. 
http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/images/hb/hb_17.190.715ab.jpg



10th century bursa reliquary made in northern Italy of wood, bone, and copper gilt.
The Cloisters Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 53.19.2
http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/images/hb/hb_53.19.2.jpg


Chasse of Champagnat made in Limoges, France about 1150 of copper, gilt, and champlevé enamels. Metropolitan Museum of Art.17.190.685–87, .695, .710–.711 http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/images/hb/hb_17.190.685.jpg

Back of Reliquary Cross showing scenes of Helen finding the True Cross. Made in Belgium (Mosan) about 1165. Kunstgewerbemuseum, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Made of copper alloy gilt with enamel and semi-precious stones. http://www.learn.columbia.edu/treasuresofheaven/relics/jpegs/298.87-300float.jpg.





[i] Wilhelm Ziehr in his book Das Kreuz. Symbol · Gestalt · Bedeutung (Stuttgart / Darmstadt: Belser / Wiss. Buchges. 1997) reported microscopically examining 4 particles from the True Cross relics found at Santa Croce (Rome), Notre Dame (Paris), Cattedrale di Pisa, and Duomo di Firenze. He found that all four were made of olive wood. Olive wood is rot resistant, hard (not great for hammering in iron spikes but great for durability and re-use) and it does not bend under stress. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechetical Lecture X. http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/310110.htm.  In contrast stories about the Cross being found in Jerusalem, the Pilgrim from Bordeaux who visited Jerusalem in AD 333, reported the building of Constantine’s basilica, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, but made no mention of a cross. http://www.centuryone.com/bordeaux.html.
[ii] Loomis, Louise R. The Book of the Popes (Liber Pontificalis) I. New York: Columbia University Press, Ch. XXXIV, p. 59.  Newer translation: Davis, Raymond, The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis): The Ancient Biographies of the First Ninety Roman Bishops to Ad 715. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1989.
[iii]“Letter 31 to Severus” in Paulinus, Pontius M, and Patrick G. Walsh (eds.). Letters of St. Paulinus of Nola: Vol. 2. Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1967, pp. 125-133.
[iv] “Letter LVIII to Paulinus” in W. H. Fremantle. The Principal Works of St. Jerome. Select library of Nicene and post-Nicene fathers of the Christian Church., Second series 6; Oxford: James Parker and Co, 1893. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.v.LVIII.html.
[v] NPNF2-06. Jerome: The Principal Works of St. Jerome. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.vi.viii.html. For a detailed examination of the reasons for the sharp criticism of Bishop John by Jerome, see the introduction to this letter. The controversy arose because Jerome thought that John II believed in Origenism.  The four main points of Origenism are (i) the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, (2) that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit were no co-equal and (3) a confusing set of beliefs about the eternity of creation.  All created rational souls are equal. Though the material world was created at the same time as the spiritual one, the spiritual world came prior. Only imperfect spirits have bodies.  (4) Redemption is available to all rational beings.  Of particular concern was the concept of the Trinity.  The Father, Son, and Holy Spirit each had a different sphere of influence of unequal power and dignity, e.g. the Father is creator, the Son is redeemer, the Spirit is sanctifier.  In liturgical practice this meant praying to the Father, through the Son and in the Holy Spirit. This was interpreted to mean that God was the pre-eminent whole divinity and that the Son and Holy Spirit are subordinate persons, not the now usual Athanasian interpretation familiar to most orthodox Christians that the Father is not the Son is not the Holy Spirit but all members of the Trinity are co-equal. Athanasius (c. 297-373) was Bishop of Alexandria (I am dependent on The Catholic Encyclopedia, here, and I hope “I got it right.”)  http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/11306b.htm.
[vi] For information about Melania the Elder and her equally famous grand-daughter, Melania the Younger, see: Chin, Catherine M. (ed.), and Caroline T. Schroeder (ed.). Melania: Early Christianity Through the Life of One Family, Oakland, University of California Press. 2016. Melania the Elder died in Sicily in 410 having left Rome just as Alaric, the Visigoth, sacked Rome. Her grand-daughter and family settled in Thagaste, north Africa, now Algeria, before departing for Jerusalem. Thagaste or Tagaste was the birthplace of Augustine of Hippo. For an interesting look at itinerant religious travelers, see: Dietz, Maribel. Wandering Monks, Virgins, and Pilgrims: Ascetic Travel in the Mediterranean World, A.D. 300-800. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005.  The Benedictine vow on stability did not begin until sometime in the 6th century, about two hundred years after the events related above.
[vii] “Letter 31 to Severus” in Pontius M, and Patrick G. Walsh (eds.). Letters of St. Paulinus of Nola: Vol. 2. Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1967, pp. 125-133.  Some writings of Sulpicius Severus have survived including his life of St. Martin of Tours and his Sacred History. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf211.ii.html.
[viii] Carlin, Martha (trans.) Venantius Fortunatus: Life of St. Radegund. http://people.uwm.edu/carlin/venantius-fortunatus-life-of-st-radegund/. “Radegund, Queen of the Franks and Abbess of Poitiers (ca. 525–587)” in Jo Ann McNamara, JoAnn, E. Gordon Whatley, John E. Halborg. Sainted Women of the Dark Ages. Durham. Duke University Press. (1992) pp.60-105. Gregory, of T, and Lewis Thorpe. The History of the Franks. Harmondsworth (England: Penguin Books, 1986.) Epistolae: Radegund of Thuringia. https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/89.htm Patricia Cox Miller, “Visceral Seeing: The Holy Body in Late Ancient Christianity,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 12.4 (Winter 2004): 391-411. Glenn, Jason. “Two Lives of St. Radegund,” in Glenn, Jason. The Middle Ages in Texts and Texture: Reflections on Medieval Sources. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011, pp.57-70.
[ix] Fortunatus, Venantius. Life of Holy Radegund.Ch 26. http://people.uwm.edu/carlin/venantius-fortunatus-life-of-st-radegund/. Or “Radegund, Queen of the Franks and Abbess of Poitiers (ca. 525–587)” in Jo Ann McNamara, JoAnn, E. Gordon Whatley, John E. Halborg. Sainted Women of the Dark Ages. Durham. Duke University Press. (1992) pp.60-105 at p. 81.
[x] A letter from Radegund of Thuringia (561-67?) to the Bishops. https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/letter/914.html. Included in Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum.
[xi] Radegund, Queen of the Franks and Abbess of Poitiers (ca. 525–587)” in Jo Ann McNamara, JoAnn, E. Gordon Whatley, John E. Halborg. Sainted Women of the Dark Ages. Durham. Duke University Press. (1992) pp.60-105 at
pp. 95-6.
[xii] Ibid., p.97.
[xiii]Ibid., p.98.
[xiv] http://www.preces-latinae.org/thesaurus/Hymni/Vexilla.html. http://www.preces-latinae.org/thesaurus/Hymni/PangeF.html.  

Monday, April 17, 2017

Easter Monday- How the Legend of the True Cross Travelled West, Part 1

There were Christian communities in the British Isles before Rome withdraw in AD 410.  How did they come to know the various legends of the True Cross and when did they hear the stories? Not much is known about the arrival of Christianity in Roman occupied Britain. The most obvious speculation is that the Christians arrived with Roman legions and ordinary Christians who settled there.  Tertullian, writing in Greek before AD 220 and translated, wrote about the spread of Christianity “into the diverse nations of the Gauls, and the haunts of the Britons-inaccessible to the Romans, but subjugated to Christ.”[i] Gildas wrote in the 6th century de Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae gives the names of three martyrs presumably killed during the Diocletian persecutions (303), Alban, Aaron and Julium:

sanctum albanum uerolamiensem, aaron et iulium legionum urbis ciues ceterosque utriusque sexus diuersis in locis summa magnanimitate in acie christi perstantes dico.[ii]

The Venerable Bede (d. 735) writing in his Martyrology for 22 June (ad X Kal. Jul) noted the death of Alban by beheading.[iii]  In his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum or Ecclesiastical History of the English People, Book 1, Chapter 7, he recorded a fuller account of the martyrdom of Alban, who gave his life for a Christian priest whom he had sheltered and offered hospitality.[iv]

Page from Bede, The Ecclesiastical History. British Library Harley 4978, f.98. Made in central France (Flavigny? and Reims) 3rd quarter of the 9th century. http://www.bl.uk/IllImages/BLCD/mid/c137/c13740-93.jpg 

Though scholars may question the timing and veracity of the stories of martyrs, there is evidence for sufficient numbers of Christians living in Roman-Britain that bishops were needed to lead them. Three bishops attended the Concilio Arelatensi or Council of Arles in AD 314 convened by Emperor Constantine.  Adelfius, episcopus de civitate colonia Londinensium, was apparently the most senior because he traveled with Sacredos, presbyter, and Arminunius, deacon. The other two were Eborius, episcopus de civitate Eboracensi, provincia Britanniæ [Ivor, bishop of York] and Restitutus, episcopus de civitate Londinens [bishop of London]. Colonia Londinensium has been translated as Lincoln or Colchester or Caerleon-on-Usk .[v]

Christianity did not disappear from the British Isles when the Roman legions left. In the Chronicle of Prosper of Aquitaine entry for AD 431 reads “Palladius, having been ordained by Pope Celestine, was the first bishop sent to the Scots [Scoti or Irish] believing in Christ.” The religious community at Iona was founded by Columba in 564 more than 30 years before the mission lead by Augustine sent by Pope Gregory I to convert the king of Kent married to a Christian princess, daughter of the Merovingian king, Charibert I.  That there were Christian Britons can be inferred when Augustine wrote to Pope Gregory I asking about his authority over the bishops of the Britons in the Libellus Responsionum.  The Pope granted Augustine authority over these bishops.[vi] These Christians had lost contact with Rome.  Almost certainly these Britons knew about the cult of relics since it was part of the Church from the second century. Apparently, these Christian Britons did not know the legends of the True Cross.[vii]

It is hard to argue from the absence of information where the survival of written material is so dependent on the vagaries and misadventures of history.  There is no surviving evidence that the Cross had any special significance to these Christian Britons. What surviving archaeological evidence suggests is that the Constantinian chi-rho symbol flanked with alpha and omega or the simpler chi-cross were used.[viii]

As has been noted earlier, Eusebius (d.340) in his Church History does not mention the finding of the True Cross, though Rufinus of Aquileia (d. 410/11), Scorates Scholasticus (d.c. 440), Sozomen (d.c. 450), and Theodoret (d.c. 466) all described the finding of the Cross.  Since all these writers were writing in Greek, which was not the common language of the west of Europe, the spread of the story was dependent, at least in part, by the spread of the Latin versions of the texts.

Two candidates for the journey of the written texts are the church history, Ecclesiastica Historia with the added Books X and XI, of Rufinus of Aquileia (d. 410/11), and Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita or Historia Tripartita composed a century after Rufinus’ works at the monastic community of Vivarium near Squillace, in Calabria, Italy.  The translation of Greek texts and perhaps the composition of the Latin Historia Tripartita was done by the monk Epiphanius Scholasticus under the direction of the monastery’s founder, Cassiodorus (Flavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator, b.c.485, d.c.580).  Cassiodorus may have authored the text for which he is often credited.

Rufinus became embroiled in a battle with Jerome over the text of Ecclesiastica Historia.[ix] The so-called Three Chapters controversy arose because Rufinus based his history in part on Theodoret who had been anathematized. This resulted in Jerome writing vitriolic letters against Rufinus, who declined to engage Jerome in a battle of letter writing over what Jerome considered heretical.  
As noted previously a number of manuscripts of Ecclesiastica Historia were known in medieval England. The Historia Tripartita spread widely in northern Europe and the British Isles in the Middle Ages as well.  But it is not clear how it was transmitted since there are no manuscripts extant for 200 years after the history was written.[x]

Two examples of intercourse between the British Islands and the Mediterranean word can be proposed with some certainty from two very different examples, a bible and a history book. 

Jerome began his translation of the Gospels under a commission from Pope Damasus I (d.384).  The following year, Jerome fled Rome for Antioch, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Galilee, Egypt, before settling in Bethlehem.  Financially supported by the wealthy widow Paula, Jerome went on to translate the Old Testament from Hebrew sources apart from the Greek Septuagint. Jerome also completed several translations of the Psalms. One of the oldest preserved versions of the Vulgate Bible is the Codex Amiatinus. This edition  copied an earlier, presumably Late Antiquity manuscript since the two illuminations are not in the usual Hiberno-Saxon illuminations but are Byzantine in style. This Vulgate includes the prefatory letter of Jerome to Pope Damasus I as well as Jerome’s prefaces to the Gospels. The Bible was copied out in Northumbria in the early 690s and early 700s after the monasteries of Wearmouth-Jarrow were granted land to grow the large number of cattle needed for the vellum. It is not certain if the Bible ever made it to Pope Gregory II for whom it was intended as a gift.  Abbott Coelfrith who accompanied the massive volume died in 716 on route to Rome in Langres, now in the Haut-Marne department of France. The codex is now in the Laurentian Library of Florence.
Christ in majesty flanked by angels with four Evangelists and their symbols at the beginning of the Gospels. Codex Amiatinus (fol. 796v), Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e9/Amiatinus_Maiestas_Domini.jpg/230px-Amiatinus_Maiestas_Domini.jpg


The second example is yet another history book, this one written by Orosius entitled the Adversus pagandos historiarum libri septem (Seven Books of History against the Pagans).  Written about 417, it was one of the texts the Alfred, King of Wessex (d. 899) ordered translated. A freely translated version of the history is found in the British Library as manuscript Additional 47967, made in south England, perhaps Winchester between 892 and 925.  Notes in the margin suggest that it was written out during the reign of King Alfred.[xi]
Orosius, Historum adversum paganos. Ch1, page 1. British Library Additional 47967, Part 1, f.5v   Zoomorphic initial. Made in southern England, perhaps Winchester, between c. 892 and c. 925
http://www.bl.uk/IllImages/NOF/mid/011ADD000047967U00005V00.jpg

I have struggled with the lack of written evidence for the westward spread of the legends of the True Cross in church history sources.  The evidence from these sources came to the west long after monuments and literature would suggest that the story(ies) were known.  The runes on the Ruthwell cross (perhaps about 700) are older than the Homily for the Invention of the Cross (May 3rd) written by Aelfric when he was Abbott of the Abbey at Cerne, Dorset before he was Abbott of Eynsham. 

A text page from Aelfric’s Homilies.  This manuscript was made at the Abbey of Cerne, Dorset, The corrections may well be in Aelfric’s own hand. Royal 7 C XII, Part 1, f.64. Made in southern England,,probably at Cerne during the period c. 990- c. 995 http://www.bl.uk/IllImages/BLCD/mid/c135/c13598-45.jpg

Aelfric wrote his homilies in Old English in the early 990s or so when he had access to monastic libraries that were considered large for the time period.  These homilies were dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Sigeric.  Sigeric made a pilgrimage to Rome using the Via Francigena in 990 to receive his pallium from the Pope. This bit of information is probably the answer to my questions as to how the legends reached the British Isles.  It seems most likely that oral versions of the finding of the True Cross travelled along with monks, clergy, missionaries, pilgrims and ordinary travelers long before codices made it to monastic libraries.

When Augustine of Canterbury was sent as a missionary to King Æthelbert of Kent in 595 (arriving in 597) by Pope Gregory I, he was accompanied by monks and members of the Frankish clergy, and presumably relics. Venerable Bede recorded a letter from Pope Gregory I to Abbott Mellitus with specific instructions about relics. Relics were to be placed in altars erected on the sites of former pagan temples and relics were the focus for the worship of God, instead of the sacrifice of animals.[xii]  In addition, Venerable Bede wrote that Augustine requested that Pope Gregory I send him relics from martyred Pope Sixtus II to replace some apparently dubious relics of a saint named Sixtus already venerated in south-east Britain.[xiii]

Perhaps one of the best known of the Anglo-Saxon travelers, even pilgrim, was Benedict Biscop (c. 627-689) the abbott of Wearmouth monastery (Wearmouth-Jarrow).  He travelled to Rome  five times according to Bede and returned “enriched, bringing countless items useful for the service of the church.” [xiv]  He and his companions returned with books, icons, cloth, relics of apostles and martyrs, music, liturgical chanting, and undoubtedly lots of stories.[xv]

Not all the Anglo-Saxon pilgrims to Rome, the source of most relics in western Europe until sack of Constantinople in 1204 during the Fourth Crusade, were clerics and monks. Abbess Bugga or Edburga of Minster-in-Thanet, Kent, wrote to Boniface about a planned pilgrimage in about 725 but was advised against it because of Saracen threat to Rome.[xvi]  Since there were no direct Arab attacks against Rome for another century. perhaps the disquiet in Rome was caused by the Arab raids on Sicily.  Even so. Abbess Edburga went to Rome.

Examination of the graffiti in the tombs and catacombs of Rome has revealed that names of apparently ordinary men and a woman or two scratched into the walls. At least 26 Saxon names written in uncial and runes were etched between the 7th and 9th centuries.[xvii] The author (saracharles) writes:

In the catacombs of Commodilla, twelve Anglo-Saxon inscriptions have been found grouped together on the fresco of St Luke, suggesting a band of English pilgrims travelling en masse. In the tombs of SS Marcellinus and Peter, the female name Fagihild was found written in runic letters among ten Anglo-Saxon names.

Though the spread of the legends of the True Cross seem to have been transferred through invisible air by speech, the dispersion of fragments of the True Cross was not.  That is where I will pick up with Part 2.




[i]Tertullianus - Adversus Iudæos or Answer to the Jews, Ch. VII.  http://www.documenta-catholica.eu/a_3-Index.html. http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf03/anf03-19.htm#P2141_725966.
[ii] The Text of Gildas: de Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae. (Parts 1 and 2, chapters 1-37). http://www.vortigernstudies.org.uk/arthist/vortigernquotesgil.htm. Needless to say, the dates of the martyrdom of Alban have been questioned by historians, as well as the historicity of the person and martyrdom of Alban.  Bishop Germanus of Auxerre visited the tomb of St. Alban while in Britain about 429/439. Thus, there was well establish belief in St.Alban before the Gregorian mission in 597. The fact that Pelagius, branded a heretic for his denial of original sin, was a native of Britain is not doubted. Jerome wrote of him “habet progeniem Scoticae gentis de Britannorum vicinia,” Pref. lib. 3 in Hieron. The Life of St. Germanus, written by Constantius of Lyon, is supported by other independent sources.
[iii] Head, Thomas. Medieval Hagiography: An Anthology. Routledge, 2001, Ch. 8- Bede, Martyrology, pp.169-198. There is scholarly discussion as to the reliability of the modern published texts with the original, now lost, text.
[iv]Judith McClure and Roger Collins. The Ecclesiastical History of the English People; The Greater Chronicle. Oxford University Press, 2009.
[v] Miller, SN. The British Bishops at the Council of Aries (314), Engl Hist Rev (1927) XLII (CLXV): 79-80. <https://doi.org/10.1093/ehr/XLII.CLXV.79>. See also Eusebius, Church History Book X, Ch.5, Sec.23.
[vi] J. Johnson. A collection of all the ecclesiastical laws, canons, answers, or rescripts, with other memorials concerning the government, discipline and worship of the Church of England, that have been publish'd in Latin, with explanatory notes. https://books.google.com/books/content/images/frontcover/pdQGAAAAQAAJ?fife=w300-rw. Venerable Bede wrote in his Ecclesiastical History of the English People about the unfortunate and unsuccessful meeting with the seven bishops because Augustine did not rise to greet the men as fellow bishops but remained seated so the bishops would have to do homage to him.  Book II, Chapter 2.
[vii] The cult of relics can be dated to AD 150-160 with the Martyrdom of Polycarp, Sec, 18.2-3, “we afterwards took up his bones which are more valuable than precious stones and finer than refined gold, and laid them in a suitable place; where the Lord will permit us to gather ourselves together, as we are able, in gladness and joy, and to celebrate the birth-day of his martyrdom for the commemoration of those that have already fought in the contest, and for the training and preparation of those that shall do so hereafter…” http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/martyrdompolycarp.html.
[viii]David Petts, “Christianity in Roman Britain,” in Millett, Martin, Louise Revell, and Alison J. Moore. The Oxford Handbook of Roman Britain. 2016, pp.660-80.
[ix] Jerome (347-420) was a prolific writer of letters, hagiography, theology as well as the translator of the New and Old Testaments into “vulgar” or everyday Latin, hence the Vulgate.
[x] For an interesting discussion of the dispersal of the Historia Tripartita see: Désirée Scholten. The History of a Historia-Manuscript transmission of the Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita by Epiphanius-Cassiodorus. https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/179575. 
[xi]https://www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/record.asp?MSID=8372&CollID=27&NStart=47967. Another version also in the British Library is Cotton MS Tiberius B I, ff 3r–111v from the early 11th century. Digitized version online. http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=cotton_ms_tiberius_b_i_f003r. A manuscript commonly referred to as the Bobbio Orosius is an illuminated copy of Orosius (Book I and the beginning of Book II), usually thought to have been produced in the 7th century at the Irish foundation of Bobbio, Italy. Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS D 23 sup. http://www.vanhamel.nl/codecs/Milan,_Biblioteca_Ambrosiana,_MS_D_23_sup.  
[xii]Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England, Chapter XXX.  https://www.ccel.org/ccel/bede/history.v.i.xxix.html.
[xiii]Bertram Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors, eds., Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), I.29–30, pp. 104 –7. and for the reference to the relics of
St. Sixtus which Gregory also sent. Richard Sharpe, “Martyr and Local Saints in Late Antique Britain,” in Alan Thacker (Editor), Richard Sharpe (Editor). Local Saints and Local Churches in the Early Medieval West. Oxford University Press, 2003, pp. 75-154, at 123-7.
[xiv]Historia Abbatum,” in Christopher Grocock & Ian N. Wood. The Abbotts of Wearmouth and Jarrow (Oxford Medieval Texts). 2013, Oxford University Press, pp.29-49.
[xv] Two icons are described including one with Isaac carrying the wood for his sacrifice and Jesus carrying the cross.  The second icon juxtaposed the crucifixion of Jesus with Moses elevation of the bronze serpent.  This typological design remained popular in manuscripts, printed books, and stained glass for many centuries.
[xvi] The Medieval Sourcebook. The Correspondence of St. Boniface, #15. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/basis/boniface-letters.asp.
[xvii]Symbolic Scratchings or Belligerent Literacy: Graffiti and its Interpretations. http://blog.history.ac.uk/2016/03/symbolic-scratchings-or-belligerent-literacy-graffiti-and-its-interpretations/. See also: More Anglo-Saxon Runic Graffiti in Roman Catacombs in Old English Newsletter http://www.oenewsletter.org/OEN/print.php/essays/schwab37_1/Array.  Also, Luisa Izzi. “Anglo-Saxons Underground: Early Medieval graffiti in the Catacombs of Rome” in England and Rome in the Early Middle Ages: Pilgrimage, Art, and Politics. Brepols Publishers, 2014, pp.144-77.